Socioeconomic Background and Higher Education Participation

An analysis of school students’ aspirations and expectations

Executive Summary

Differential higher education participation rates between community groups are found in most developed nations, despite the overall expansion of higher education towards mass systems. Imbalances in higher education participation remain a problem in Australia. This report is concerned with one under-represented group, people from lower socio-economic backgrounds.

On crude figures, Australians from lower socio-economic backgrounds have roughly half the likelihood of participating in higher education as Australians from medium and higher socio-economic backgrounds. This degree of inequity has remained relatively stable for over a decade, despite extensive equity initiatives across the system as a whole.

To shed further light on the problem, this report investigates the attitudes of senior school students towards higher education. It is based on data from a previous survey of over 7 000 Year 10-12 students in three states, Western Australia, New South Wales, and Victoria, conducted for the former Higher Education Council. The project surveyed students across all socio-economic strata and across urban, rural and isolated locations, allowing comparison of the differing aspirations and expectations of young people regarding education and the possibility of higher education.

The study reveals appreciable social stratification in the opinions of senior secondary students about the relevance and attainability of a university education. Though the overall attitudes of young people towards secondary school are similar in many ways, their aspirations and intentions regarding higher education are strongly influenced by socio-economic background, gender, and geographical location. Socio-economic background is the major factor in the variation in student perspectives on the value and attainability of higher education.

Overall, young people’s interest in tertiary education is strong. Around 90 per cent of the sample reported that, all things being equal and imagining no constraints, they would prefer to undertake tertiary education of some kind after school. Close to two-thirds of students in the sample expressed a preference to go on to university, while one-quarter reported a preference for enrolling in vocational education and training. When students were asked what they believed they actually would be doing once they completed school, the proportion expecting to go to university fell away. Higher socio-economic background students demonstrated stronger confidence in securing a path to university study (nearly 70 per cent of them thought they would do so) than medium or lower socio-economic background students (50 per cent and 42 per cent respectively). Sixteen per cent of students from lower socio-economic backgrounds reported they hoped to go to university but believed they would not be able to do so.

Main attitudinal differences between socio-economic groups

Students from lower socio-economic backgrounds are significantly less likely than other students to believe that a university course would offer them the chance of an interesting and rewarding career. Lower socio-economic background students have:

a stronger belief that a TAFE course would be more useful to them than a university course (30 per cent believed that it would be, compared with only 14 per cent of higher socio-economic background students);
a weaker interest in the subjects they could study at university (62 per cent, compared with 78 per cent);
less confidence that their parents want them to do a university course (44 per cent, compared with 68 per cent); and
a stronger interest in earning an income as soon as they leave school (35 per cent, compared with 20 per cent).

In addition, students from lower socio-economic backgrounds perceive educational achievement barriers which may impede their access to higher education. These students are:

less confident that their academic results will be good enough for entry to courses that might interest them (38 per cent, compared with 25 per cent); and
more likely to believe they won’t have the subjects required for courses that might interest them (24 per cent, compared with 15 per cent).

The perceived cost of higher education appears to be a major deterrent for students of lower socio-economic background. They are more likely than other students to believe the cost of university fees may stop them attending university (39 per cent, compared with 23 per cent of higher socio-economic background students). Forty-one per cent of lower socio-economic background students believed their families probably could not afford the costs of supporting them at university. Well over one-third of lower socio-economic background students indicated they would have to support themselves financially if they went to university.

The deterrent effect of cost is considerably heightened for students living in rural areas. Overall, higher education is seen as less personally relevant by rural or isolated students, particularly those from lower or medium socio-economic backgrounds. The attitudes of rural and isolated students are primarily associated with socio-economic factors rather than geographical location.

The differences in the views of males and females are substantial. Compared with the females in the sample, the males exhibit less commitment towards school and are less likely to see higher education as being relevant and attainable. Females tend to experience a far more supportive interpersonal environment. They are more likely than males to believe that most of their friends will go to university and also more likely to believe their teachers are encouraging them to aim for university. They have an especially positive outlook towards the social experience of university life. These differences are more pronounced for males from lower socio-economic backgrounds.

Parental educational levels are perhaps the most reliable predictor of the educational aspirations of young people. The study examined the relationship between students’ attitudes and parental education levels, parental occupations, and home postcode, using the Australian Bureau of Statistics Index of Education and Occupation, which is presently employed by the Commonwealth to calculate aggregate participation rates by socio-economic status. Of these, parental education levels were the most closely associated with students’ aspirations to attend university. Analyses based on the ABS Index showed the least significant variations in student attitudes and intentions, implying that aggregate assessment of participation rates using this locational measure may underestimate differential access rates.

Conclusions and implications

The relatively low higher education participation rates of people from lower socio-economic backgrounds, and the apparent resistance of these participation rates to equity programs, presents a major challenge for education policy. The findings of this study suggest some redirection of equity initiatives may be beneficial.

The research points to the educational disadvantage for young people from lower socio-economic backgrounds created by the cumulative effect of the relative absence of encouraging factors and the presence of a stronger set of inhibiting factors. The predominant effects appear to be psychological or psycho-social factors associated with the perceived relevance of higher education. These are not factors that can be rapidly influenced through short-term policy measures. The study’s findings suggest at least five areas in which further research might inform policy.

Measurement of individual socio-economic status

The study suggests parental education levels might provide the best means for identifying less advantaged students and for monitoring overall change and development in the higher education sector overall.

Cost of higher education

For young people from lower socio-economic backgrounds who reach the point of considering entering university, the anticipated expense may be a decisive factor. Little is known of how families who may be averse to debt perceive the benefits of the Higher Education Contribution Scheme. Research in this area would be valuable.

Early broadening of horizons

Since many of the factors underpinning differential access rates do not arise simply at the point of transition to university, further research is needed to understand the ways in which collaborative activities between universities and schools might serve to broaden the horizons of young people and assist in making higher education seem relevant and rewarding.

Curriculum

Further research may be needed to ascertain the extent to which curricula influence the decisions of students from lower socio-economic backgrounds to enrol at universities and to continue their studies beyond first year. In particular, it may be useful to investigate the impact of the diversification of curricula to incorporate educational alternatives relevant to a wide range of personal interests, abilities and life stages. Further, the effects on the participation of students from lower socio-economic backgrounds of curricula that accommodate part-time paid work may be worth examining.

Selection procedures

Finally, competitive entry based on school achievement is a major stumbling block for young people from lower socio-economic backgrounds, both in their personal assessment of their possibilities and in their actual chances. A system-wide rethinking of selection procedures would be a bold and controversial step, but perhaps a vital ingredient in making progress on this difficult issue.

Full Report (280KB)

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