Part One: Quantitative Descriptors
Of the 120 women academics interviewed in this study, 106 completed the questionnaire (see Appendix 1) and a total of 120 women academics were interviewed; of these 55 were transcribed. The quantitative and qualitative information has been analysed to present a public and private view of these women. All data was collected during 1994.
Part One: Quantitative Descriptors
Over 68 per cent of questionnaire respondents were Australian born. Most respondents (93.4 per cent) reported that English was their first language.
The average respondent age was 45 years (SD=8 years; range 28 to 61). This data was broadly in line with national data for 1994, though more women in the 45-65 age group were sampled in this project.
Table 14: Age by Position (1994)
| Age | Assistant
Lecturer | Lecturer | Senior Lecturer | Above Senior Lecturer | Total |
| 25-34 | 7 | 8 | 0 | 0 | 15 |
| 35-44 | 8 | 24 | 5 | 1 | 38 |
| 45-54 | 2 | 17 | 13 | 8 | 40 |
| 55-64 | 1 | 3 | 3 | 4 | 11 |
| Total | 18 | 52 | 21 | 13 | 104* |
* Two questionnaire respondents did not give their age
Figure 15: Age by Unified National System Comparison (1994)
Source for UNS data: Department of Employment, Education and Training, Selected Higher Education Staff Statistics, 1994
Interestingly, almost 20 per cent of questionnaire respondents had a Bachelors degree as their highest qualification. Of these, nursing academics accounted for over 30 per cent. It needs to be recognised, however, that prior to entry into the academy, these same women had undertaken a three-year nursing qualification. Newer disciplines such as nursing, administration and business, etc., accounted for the majority of women holding Masters Coursework degrees.
Table 16: Summary of Highest Qualifications (1994)
| Type of Qualification | No.
(n=106) | % |
| Bachelors | 20 | 19 |
| Bachelors Honours | 8 | 8 |
| Graduate Diploma | 3 | 3 |
| Masters Coursework | 41 | 39 |
| Masters Research | 2 | 2 |
| PhD | 29 | 27 |
| No response | 3 | 3 |
Amongst questionnaire respondents the overwhelming majority of appointments above senior lecturer had a PhD or Masters by Research qualification as did the majority of senior lecturers. A tiny proportion of associate lecturers also possessed higher degree research qualifications.
Figure 17: Highest Qualification by Level of Appointment (1994)
Over 26 per cent of women who responded to the questionnaire survey held PhD qualifications.
This was in line with 1992 data (all academics) published by the Department of Employment, Education and Training that showed that on average 25.4 per cent of all academic staff in post-1987 universities held PhD qualifications.
The comparison between the three institutions surveyed in this study showed that University of Technology, Sydney women academics represented the highest percentage of women academics with PhDs.
Figure 18: Percentage of Women with PhDs by Institution (1994)
This again was broadly in line with the gender non-specific data published by the Department of Employment, Education and Training in April 1994 which showed that the University of Technology, Sydney had one of the highest proportions of staff with PhD qualifications in the post-1987 sector.
Figure 19: Unified National System Percentage of all Staff with PhD or Higher (1992)
Source: Department of Employment, Education and Training, Higher Education Series, Report No. 22, April 1994
In terms of discipline breakdown, women academics from the Education discipline group represented the highest grouping of those women with PhD qualifications.
Table 20: Women with PhDs by Discipline Groups (1994)
| Higher Education Discipline Groups | 29 | % |
| Education | 8 | 27.59 |
| Sciences | 6 | 20.69 |
| Health Sciences | 4 | 13.79 |
| Humanities | 4 | 13.79 |
| Social Studies | 4 | 13.79 |
| Administration, Business, Economics etc | 1 | 3.45 |
| Agriculture, Renewable Resources | 1 | 3.45 |
| Built Environment | 1 | 3.45 |
In terms of level of appointment, women with PhDs represented almost 70 per cent of those women above senior lecturer level and over 50 per cent of those at senior lecturer level.
Figure 21: Level of Appointment by PhD (1994)
National data shows that women represent less than 33 per cent of all academic staff (Department of Employment, Education and Training 1995a: 25). The women in this study were overwhelmingly based in the broad disciplines of humanities and social sciences. Science and engineering represented the discipline base of less than 20 per cent of questionnaire respondents. In terms of national data, only in the higher education discipline groups of health (i.e. nursing) did women across all levels and within the three institutions, equal or exceed their overall representation in the Unified National System between the years 1991-1993.
Within the University of Technology, Sydney and the University of Western Sydney, women in the higher education discipline group of humanities also equalled or exceeded their representation in the Unified National System across all levels.
Table 22: Women by Discipline Groups (1994)
| Higher Education Discipline Groups | Total
(n=106) | % |
| Administration, Business, Economics etc | 22 | 20.75 |
| Health | 18 | 16.98 |
| Education | 15 | 14.15 |
| Sciences | 14 | 13.21 |
| Humanities | 11 | 10.38 |
| Social Studies | 9 | 8.49 |
| Visual/Performing Arts | 6 | 5.66 |
| Mathematics/Computing | 4 | 3.77 |
| Agriculture, Renewable Resources | 3 | 2.83 |
| Engineering/Processing | 3 | 2.83 |
| Built Environment | 1 | 0.94 |
Figure 23: Average Years in the Academy by Level of Appointment (1994)
As could be expected, associate lecturers have spent less time in academia. Respondents in senior positions reported working in academia for a noticeably higher number of years than other respondents.
Only 26 per cent of questionnaire respondents had employment experience of 12 months or more at an established university (i.e. pre-87). The University of Technology, Sydney registered the highest percentage of such women academics, the University of Western Sydney the lowest.
Figure 24: Employment Experience at an Established University by Current Institution (1994)
Taking the three broad traditional measures of a) funded projects, b) books, chapters monographs and c) refereed journal articles, it is possible to examine relative research productivity per average years in the academy, for five broad groupings, as well as levels of appointment:
Figure 25: Average Output (Traditional) per Average Years in the Academy by Employment Experience
Figure 26: Average Output (Traditional) per Average Years in the Academy by Level of Appointment
Productivity differences between lecturers and senior lecturers was most pronounced. Those women above senior lecturer scored the highest productivity followed by those with a PhD and experience at an established university.
Table 27: Questionnaire Respondentís Average Years in Academy (1994)
| PhD and employment experience at an established university | 15.13 |
| Women with PhD | 14.82 |
| Senior Lecturer | 14.31 |
| Employment experience at an established university | 12.81 |
| Tenured | 11.32 |
| Lecturer | 7.34 |
| Undertaking higher degree studies | 6.55 |
| Contracted employment | 5.65 |
| Associate Lecturer | 4.81 |
When non-traditional outputs are measured, the productivity across levels of appointment shows strong convergence in two measures, the unrefereed article and the unfunded project.
Interestingly, the productivity of women researchers engaged in the production of non-traditional outputs, broadly centred on creative works, was the highest of all questionnaire respondents.
Questionnaire respondents reported a total involvement during their career of 203 funded research projects with Education academics accounting for over 27 per cent of aggregate achievement. One of the newer disciplines, nursing, recorded significant achievement in this category, and, to a lesser degree, so did academics from the broad Administration discipline group.
| Higher Education Discipline Groups | (n=203) | |
| Education | 55 | 27.09 |
| Health | 37 | 18.23 |
| Sciences | 28 | 13.79 |
| Social Studies | 24 | 11.82 |
| Administration/Business/Economics etc | 21 | 10.34 |
| Humanities | 19 | 9.36 |
| Agriculture | 9 | 4.43 |
| Built Environment | 3 | 1.48 |
| Engineering/Processing | 3 | 1.48 |
| Maths/Computing | 2 | 0.99 |
| VAPA | 2 | 0.99 |
Respondents reported a total of 251 refereed journal articles and 232 books, chapters and monographs with Education academics registering the highest total output in both these categories.
Table 30: Total Refereed Journal Articles by Discipline Groups (1994)
| Higher Education Discipline Groups | (n=251) | |
| Education | 81 | 32.27 |
| Social Studies | 46 | 18.33 |
| Health | 33 | 13.15 |
| Humanities | 31 | 12.35 |
| Sciences | 17 | 6.77 |
| Agriculture | 16 | 6.37 |
| Administration/Business/Economics etc | 13 | 5.18 |
| Built Environment | 8 | 3.19 |
| VAPA | 6 | 2.39 |
| Engineering | 0 | 0.00 |
| Maths/Computing | 0 | 0.00 |
Table 31: Books, Monographs, Chapters by Discipline Groups (1994)
| Higher Education Discipline Groups | (n=232) | |
| Education | 98 | 42.24 |
| Humanities | 54 | 23.28 |
| Administration/Economics | 24 | 10.34 |
| Social Studies | 19 | 8.19 |
| Health | 18 | 7.76 |
| Sciences | 8 | 3.45 |
| Engineering/Processing | 7 | 3.02 |
| Maths/Computing | 2 | 0.86 |
| Built Environment | 1 | 0.43 |
| VAPA | 1 | 0.43 |
| Agriculture | 0 | 0.00 |
The working life of a woman academic in a post-1987 university would seem to be a balancing act between the responsibilities and obligations of home life; the urge and obligation to be a good teacher and the imperative to engage in research. Associated with these are critical feelings of self-worth - the belief that to be taken seriously one has to (a) work full time, and (b) have the right 'paper' qualifications.
These feelings in many instances result in women academics working long hours, often after children are asleep. Furthermore, they seem to take on extra responsibilities outside their job descriptions. Frequently, this was seen to be to their own detriment when promotion or tenure was being considered.
Through all this, the women in this study have received little in the way of institutional support or mentoring, although some saw the post-1987 institutions as giving them opportunities they would not have had in the older institutions. Support came predominantly from close personal relationships, with many women saying that without them they would not be where they were today. Interestingly the vast majority, although often working long hours during the week, strenuously resisted working on the weekend, except in dire emergencies.
N.B: In the interests of confidentiality, not all disciplines have been identified.
Not a Straight Road
Many women commented on the non-traditional nature of their academic careers, particularly their entry into the academy:
I had absolutely no idea that I would have an academic career... I was very naive about the whole process.
(Nursing)
I hadn't even planned for that in advance, I just wanted something that was going to be more challenging.
(Education)
I wanted time out to assess what I was doing... and somehow I walked into (part-time) teaching.
(Media)
I am always looking for something new and challenging.
(Nursing)
Another nursing academic stated that academia was 'a big step backwards to eventually go forwards'.
To some, entry to the academy came after a period of child rearing and supporting their partner's career:
I was a secretary doing temporary secretarial work... he [husband] got a scholarship to ANU... I went with him.
(Humanities)
I was working as a registered nurse... and the university asked her [friend] whether she knew anybody who could supervise students on clinical placements... it was a gradual sort of involvement.
(Nursing)
Well, first of all I was a seconded lecturer.
(Education)
For women with a non-academic career behind them, entry into the academy can be a culture shock particularly as there are no:
... training programs for academics or career advice... you have to be scrabbling around for it yourself - if you have an academic background then you are within the culture [but] coming from outside, from industry... you really have to find out for yourself.
(Media Studies)
One successful researcher - ARC grants, significant publications - noted that her 'career pattern had been erratic and my research interests have... jumped all over the place.' This was in comparison with her husband, an academic who had set his career targets early in life and had achieved a straight and smooth trajectory (Humanities).
For another, 'my goals keep shifting, my focus keeps shifting'. For this woman, a colleague at another university who had just been appointed a foundation professor:
... had not long had her own PhD but she has simply been a lot more focused, a lot more political and a lot more productive. She can write her own ticket.
(Education)
This view is upheld by the employment experience of the questionnaire sample which show that on average, respondents had held five positions in their career and approximately three of these were academic positions. The mean total time in the workforce was about 20 years, while an average of 11 of these years were in academia. The mean time in each academic position was four years.
Balancing the Workload
The women academics in this study, by and large, carried a face-to-face teaching load of around 12-14 hours per week, were involved in subject and course development, postgraduate supervision and engaged in higher degree study or research.
In attempting to meet the personal needs and the expectations of the institution, some women also expressed concern at what they believed was other people's perception of their work:
In order to look like you were serious... if you had a baby and took a year off and then only came back part-time, they would write you off. That is why I am putting it off... until I have a tenurable job or at least a longer contract because I am worried about what they would think of me if I had a baby now.
(Education)
There are always people, often other women, that feel your career should come first and if you have children, well you just have to work twice as hard and still do as much as you did before.
(Business)
Work Duties: During Semester
Questionnaire respondents were asked to rank broad academic duties on the basis of time spent on each during semester. In general, preparation and teaching were considered to consume most time followed by administration and then consultation. Results according to university, qualification, and position appear in the table below.
Respondents were in broad agreement about the relative time allocated to each activity. While preparation and teaching achieve the same rank, preparation has a larger standard deviation and respondents are therefore more likely to rank this higher (and lower). Charles Sturt University respondents were more likely than other respondents to report that teaching consumed more time. Charles Sturt University and University of Western Sydney respondents were also more likely to rank preparation higher than University of Technology, Sydney respondents. University of Technology, Sydney respondents were more likely than other groups to report that administrative duties consumed more time.
Table 32: Rank of Duties During Semester* (1994)
(M) | (M ) | (M ) | (M ) | |
| Charles Sturt University | 3 (+/-2) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-1) |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| University of Western Sydney | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| Undergraduate degree | 3 (+/-2) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-1) |
| Postgraduate degree | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| Assoc Lecturer | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-1) |
| Lecturer | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| Senior Lecturer + | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 2 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| Entire valid sample | 3 (+/-1) | 3 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
* Low numbers indicate more time consumed in the activity
Women met the demands of their workload in a variety of ways.
Working at nights was the norm, working at weekends was not. Women at the lower levels of appointment and part time or on contract carried teaching and development loads expected of higher levels of appointment.
It tends to sit in my bag most of the time and not get done just because I want to spend time with my family.
(Physics)
I am not prepared to spend my weekends and nights on research... life is too short. I have learnt that I have to look after myself.
(Science)
Some women in newer discipline areas experienced a conflict in the need to develop academically recognised outcomes as opposed to maintaining practical competencies
I feel the pressure as an academic, but I also feel another pressure which is my existence as a film maker... I realise it is very, very risky in terms of academic progression.
(Media)
Professional and Committee Membership
Most of the sample (84%) reported professional membership. On average, respondents were members of approximately 3 professional organisations. A smaller proportion of the sample (74%) served on internal or external committees (M=4).
Table 33: Professional Interests and Duties (1994)
M (n) | M (n) | |
| Charles Sturt University | 2 (21) | 5 (17) |
| University of Technology Sydney | 3 (30) | 5 (25) |
| University of Western Sydney | 3 (41) | 4 (36) |
| Undergraduate degree | 2 (20) | 3 (19) |
| Postgraduate degree | 3 (69) | 5 (58) |
| Associate Lecturer | 2 (13) | 2 (10) |
| Lecturer | 3 (49) | 3 (38) |
| Senior Lecturer and above | 4 (29) | 6 (29) |
The University of Technology, Sydney and the University of Western Sydney respondents tended to belong to more professional bodies, while Charles Sturt University and the University of Technology, Sydney respondents served on more committees. Senior staff and those with postgraduate qualifications also belonged to and served on more professional organisations and committees.
One respondent (at senior lecturer level, with no children) confided that she worked 'a lot at the weekend, especially with research' but was considering 'part-time work and doing my professional industry work'.
Another women at lecturer level was 'on a major review committee for the bachelor of teaching program and had a large input into the design of the current program' plus a 'ministerial review committee of environmental education', as well as 'designing environmental science curriculum elective.' This women was currently enrolled in a PhD. She usually took work home and was responsible for teaching and coordinating large first year subjects - she had no children (Education).
A respondent with no family responsibilities said:
I would sometimes be here at 8.30 and not leave until 9.30 at night. I rarely leave before half past seven.
Another:
I would put [in] 80 hours per week.
This same woman commented that within her faculty women with children were torn between commitments at home and at work. Moreover, they tend to work fractionally and are trying to get further qualifications, but she 'believed' the faculty catered for these sorts of gender issues:
... we allow people to go off on maternity leave for as long as they require. We take them back fractionally if they are unable to return full-time. We endeavour to assist them in any way, shape or form... we have children wandering around here all the time.
(Education)
The question seemed to be how to fit research in as well. Even for senior women academics:
I think I'm a very good teacher but I also think I've got quite a bit more potential in research if I can just manage to get a bit more space.
(Education)
I do love teaching but I like research. I like them equally but I do find that teaching gets in the way, and it is hard to balance them. It is very hard to balance them.
(Economics)
I don't feel I can keep up the pace of research and teaching and the responsibilities to my children which I see as actually increasing as they get older rather than the other way around... I don't feel I can keep up that pace along with doing the other things that I want to do.
(Humanities)
From another, part-time work was her choice and she was now 'juggling the degree amongst the work'. She felt a 'Jack of all trades, doing a bit of everything' but 'I enjoyed the teaching very much'. Her teenage children 'are not terribly helpful and I don't expect them to do housework'. She went on to say 'I try not to bring my family into my work... I know the balance I want to have. I do object to male colleagues saying that is impossible' (Music).
Tenure Versus Contract
One senior lecturer carried a face-to-face load of eleven hours. At one time she was a 0.8 fractional appointment and 'worked 19 hours... so I have learnt to look after myself, nobody else was going to see this uneven load and I went back to full time. I thought if I am doing it, I may as well get paid for it'.
Again, this academic worked at nights, tried to avoid weekend work unless it was pressing and in the holidays: 'I just cut off totally - that is the time for family and friends' to achieve balance 'as a wife and homemaker there are certain things you neglect... you just don't dust as often' (Science).
One academic on a two-year contract stated:
I don't think 14 hours face-to-face gives you a balance. And when you are on contract it makes a difference. You put up with all the shit work. You suddenly find that everybody else in the faculty is teaching 12 hours, but your head of your department has given you another two of his hours of teaching... but you are in a very vulnerable position because you can't complain, you rely on keeping in good with everybody if you want your contract to be renewed.
(Education)
Or another:
The universities themselves are totally ruthless when it comes to contract staff... people that haven't turned into refereed journal production machines are finding their jobs on the line.
(Management)
Contract Employment
Of questionnaire respondents, 33.96 per cent reported that they were employed on contract. This figure was significantly lower that the national average of 52.53 per cent for women academics, as reported in Selected Higher Education Staff Statistics, 1994. The mean contract duration for women in this study was 2.5 years, the median 3 years.
Of the 66 per cent of questionnaire respondents who had achieved tenure, 45 per cent of these were are senior lecturer or above.
Figure 34: Mode of Appointment by Level of Appointment (1994)
Comparable figures for the Unified National System show that, of the 47 per cent of women academics who were tenured in 1994, only 37 per cent were at senior lecturer or above.
Table 35: Contract Employment by Institution (1994)
| Institution | (n=106) | (n=36) | 33.96 |
| Charles Sturt University | 22 | 5 | 22.73 |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 35 | 10 | 28.57 |
| University of Western Sydney | 49 | 21 | 42.86 |
Table 36: Contract Employment by Institution by Academic Status (1994)
| Institution | (n=36) | (n=7) | 19.44 |
| Charles Sturt University | 5 | 3 | 60 |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 10 | 2 | 20 |
| University of Western Sydney | 21 | 2 | 9.52 |
Table 37: Contract Employment by University by PhD (1994)
| Institution | (n=36) | (n=6) | 16.67 |
| Charles Sturt University | 5 | 0 | 0 |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 10 | 2 | 20 |
| University of Western Sydney | 21 | 4 | 19.05 |
Table 38: Contract Employment by Part-time by Position (1994)
(n=7) | ||
| Above Senior Lecturer | 0 | 0 |
| Senior Lecturer | 0 | 0 |
| Lecturer | 1 | 52.78 |
| A/Lecturer | 6 | 41.67 |
Another lecturer on a three-year contract and enrolled in a PhD felt there were 'terrible time constraints, I wish we had more time'. She was undertaking nine hours face-to-face per week, but found coordinating a subject to be very time consuming. She did not have children but her partner believes:
because the job as an academic is so flexible... I have all this time in the day to do things... I have been getting more selfish about my time'. She felt, '... home commitments [will] be worse when I have kids, I think I will put that off for another few years.
(Economics)
These comments were echoed by many:
I was only being paid part-time, but found we were here full-time anyway, which is why I took this lecturing job full-time because I thought I may as well get paid for it because it helps to pay the childcare.
(Engineering)
However, the unstructured nature of the academic working life was not universally accepted. As one woman said:
[I was working] eight hours face-to-face on a tutorship but refused to do any lecturing although there were a lot of requests made... I was determined that academics should do the work they were paid for... there were a lot of political complications but... in the end it actually served me better, although it was not obvious at the time... it did allow me to concentrate on my PhD.
(Humanities)
As a Law academic pithily noted:
Well, I mean part-time work in a university is the pits.
Work Duties During Semester Breaks
Questionnaire respondents highlighted the consuming nature of both administrative and course development activities during semester break. University of Technology, Sydney and University of Western Sydney respondents were more likely than Charles Sturt University respondents to report that course - related work and research consumed the bulk of their time. The same pattern of results applied to respondents with postgraduate qualifications. Senior staff reported that research and administrative duties consumed more time than Associate Lecturers and Lecturers. However, having highlighted these differences, the broad pattern of results was quite similar between groups.
Table 39: Rank of Duties During Semester Breaks* (1994)
(M) | (M) | (M) | |
| Charles Sturt University | 5 (+/-2) | 6 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
| University of Western Sydney | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-1) |
| Undergraduate degree | 4 (+/-1) | 7 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
| Postgraduate degree | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
| Assoc Lecturer | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) |
| Lecturer | 4 (+/-2) | 6 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
| Senior Lecturer + | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-3) | 3 (+/-1) |
| Entire valid sample | 4 (+/-2) | 5 (+/-2) | 4 (+/-2) |
*Low numbers indicates more time consumed in the activity
Teaching
A notable feature of many interviews was the strong commitment to teaching:
When it comes to the crunch women spend more time caring for students and putting the welfare of the group above their own individual welfare.
I'd rather see a teaching ethos [developed]... we're short changing our students all the time... I think research is fun... but at the moment I think our students are worse off and all the pressures are to make them even more worse off... it makes me pretty unhappy.
(Information Studies)
Women who commented on this aspect of their academic working lives felt it was a real bind trying to:
deliver a good quality product to your student and having the time to develop other aspects as well, such as research, writing papers.
(Nursing)
Many women felt that their institutional imperative was to undertake research, but at the same time the demands of teaching were huge. Part of this was seen to be the inheritance of a College of Advanced Education culture:
We have tended to adopt teaching styles that heavily use a large amount of our time... because we intend to team teach, group teach, try and take small groups rather than have didactic large lectures... the quality of education has been a really strong push in this faculty and this school.
(Nursing)
Basically you will teach a lot and research is something of a bit of a luxury, although they say over and over again, we want people to do research, we want people to do - the tremendous pressure applied for research grants, for example.
(Humanities)
In direct contrast, a senior University of Technology, Sydney academic argued that her previous teaching load at an established university was no different from the heavy teaching load in operation at the University:
I hear people saying we have such terrible amount of teaching unlike in the [older] universities. Right up till I left, I still had a teaching load of 12 hours per week.
For one University of Western Sydney biologist, teaching was:
an emotionally draining experience, both in getting the content right and presenting it in such a way that you actually have the student's interest. It is a grand performance.
On the other hand one academic felt that:
My teaching is not a huge time consumer, its all the administration of the actual program you teach which takes up the time.
(Management)
Several commented on the vastly diversified student population of post-1987 universities, a situation that required, as one University of Western Sydney academic noted, a 'very different kind of background preparation' by the educator. A small number of women, across all three institutions felt that teaching was devalued. As one academic observed:
There certainly is a degrading or a lack of positive feel about the teaching and that is really sad.
(Nursing)
Several women stressed the need for more freedom to negotiate work loads, teaching loads:
I would be quite happy to take on extra teaching hours for a semester or even two semesters... if the following semester I could have a much reduced teaching load to focus on research. I think it is pretty unreasonable to expect people to do good teaching, good research and do their administration duties as well. And do all these things well.
(Education)
In our faculty... people feel very pressured and there are lots of pressures on them to be on committees, they have heavy teaching loads and do all sort of things.
(Education)
The response from many women was that this expectation was unreasonable, particularly if they wanted some balance in their lives.
An academic from a performance discipline (Music) noted:
... I teach, perform and compose, they are all very time intensive.
An education academic from Charles Sturt University felt that postgraduate supervision needed to be awarded greater time allocation in the normal workload.
Supervision
The average number of undergraduates previously supervised by questionnaire respondents was 11 (n=30 respondents; outliers of 100 students or more were excluded from the analysis because these cases [n=3 respondents] tended to excessively inflate the mean), while respondents reported that they had previously supervised 4 Masters students (n=18 respondents), and 2 Doctoral students (n=7 respondents). Respondents reported a current load of approximately 5 undergraduates (n=28 respondents), 3 Masters students (n=29 respondents), and 3 Doctoral students (n=18 respondents). The broad profile presented here suggests that a fairly small proportion of respondents have been or are currently engaged in supervision. A closer examination as a function of university, position, and qualification presents a clearer picture.
Table 40: Current and Completed Supervision (1994)
M (n) | M (n) | |
| Charles Sturt University | 3 (5)* | 2 (8) |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 11 (14)* | 3 (15) |
| University of Western Sydney | 9 (22) | 6 (21) |
| Undergraduate degree | 7 (3) | 8 (4) |
| Postgraduate degree | 9 (38)* | 4 (39) |
| Associate Lecturer | 6 (3) | 2 (3) |
| Lecturer | 13 (17)* | 5 (21) |
| Senior Lecturer + | 5 (21)* | 3 (20) |
* Respondents who had completed over 100 supervisions were excluded from the analysis
A larger number of University of Western Sydney respondents had previously engaged in supervision, while University of Technology, Sydney respondents who had engaged in supervision tended to supervise more students. At the time of the survey, more University of Western Sydney respondents were engaged in supervision and this group also tended to have a larger student load to supervise. Predictably, women with undergraduate qualifications only had engaged in less supervision, past and present. Results also suggest that respondents with only undergraduate qualifications have a comparable (and even higher) current load, however only a very small number responded to the question and large outlying values did inflate the mean. Lecturers tend to have each supervised a larger number of students, past and present.
Qualifications were also seen as a crucial part of recognition 'unless you go and get that piece of paper, they are not going to listen'. The reality of this sentiment was obvious in the statistics for women undertaking higher degrees. Almost 50 per cent of questionnaire respondents were in this category.
Table 41: Women Undertaking Higher Degrees by Institution (1994)
| Institution | (n=106) | (n=48) | 45.28% |
| Charles Sturt University | 22 | 8 | 36.36% |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 35 | 17 | 48.57% |
| University of Western Sydney | 49 | 23 | 46.94% |
Support
The nature and structure of academic life was, for many women, very isolating:
It is very isolating in the tertiary sector... no sort of common lunch hour where you might meet people.
You are pretty much on your own a lot of the time, not a lot of people even have lunch together on a regular basis because everyone is too busy and because the timetable doesn't actually timetable a lunch hour.
... lack of a staff common room... results in fragmentation and loss of opportunities.
One academic suggested location of offices may play a key role in fostering the development of supportive relationships. 'I think that is most important when people decide where offices are, if people in an area are fairly close they are more likely to have that informal networking'.
For one woman the lack of strategic management was profoundly depressing:
I really despair... about academic management... it is really set up for individual achievement and it doesn't really have any focus on corporate goals. Those people who do their own thing in the end win, despite all sorts of initiatives to make that not so and I think women are probably more likely to fall into that trap.
In direct contrast, another academic felt that the cultural change at her institution regarding research had been immense:
... it has been top down. You know from top management, right the way down and a lot of senior academics accepting the fact that if we are really to be regarded as a proper university then we need a research profile.
(Accounting)
Notions of family and peer support were the cornerstone of many women's continuing commitment to their academic role. The crucial role of personal relationships was seen in many responses:
I don't know how much the personal security in a relationship has to do with your success as an academic, I don't know if you can really draw a line between them but I like to have it there.
We are interested in not operating with... boundaries between private and intellectual life. We sort of support one another... and that is immensely productive.
(Humanities)
My husband is totally supportive... we basically negotiate at different times, whose needs are greater at that particular time.
For some, family responsibilities 'helped me get back on the career path because it gave me a sense of responsibility'.
I have a policy of not cheating on my family, I think it is really important to keep your life in perspective.
One woman's husband was an academic also and
he is very supportive... because he knows the situation from the inside as well
(Humanities)
Despite family support there were still constraints to women's involvement. Few found it easy to attend conferences for instance, 'I just could not have added that on'.
My husband works very hard... long hours... I do most of the domestic duties... I am reasonably settled in my private life and without being settled... I would probably find it difficult to concentrate on my career.
Or:
... we have an absolutely well-understood roster... the big price is we have very little relationship really... it is very much balancing on a fine wire... we utterly rely on each other.
(Humanities)
Children
Over 60 per cent of the women whose interview transcripts were examined in depth (n: 55) had children.
One education academic talked about her rushed but well-planned day, preparing children for school, undertaking four hours a day of teaching commitments as well as an hour for student consultations, picking up her children from school and her husband from his work - 'very intense days'. But because of this intensity, she was determined to strike an appropriate balance between the conflicting demands of being both an academic and a mother:
I am managing all right, because I have just sort of made the rule that I don't do any work once I get home. I am home until the children are asleep and once they are asleep that is where I pick up the extra work, which may be reading that I need to do for my research or extra marking that I need to get done... I try to keep weekends free.
(Education)
In contrast a Law academic felt that, 'timetables are set to accommodate children'. How one adequately juggles family and an academic career seemed perplexing to many women. For some women without children it became almost a potent reminder of how an academic career could be checked:
I'm a childless woman which I think is about the only way you can survive without going completely crackers. I don't know how women with kids do this. I find that the work load in our jobs is just extraordinary.
(Management)
I don't see that I really could have a normal married relationship even without children and do the job that I do, because my job requires too much time and too much energy.
(Chemistry)
Unfortunately... I just don't think I could juggle all three, work, a PhD and children. Anybody who can do that is amazing!
(Accounting)
For others, balance was achievable but at a cost:
... and so I just have to be very, very careful about the allocation of my time and try not to waste it... on the other hand I feel very responsible for what sort of happens at home, and for organising everybody and supervising the children's development and so on. So yes, I think in my case, I see the fact that I am a female academic has really made a big difference to my career, but it doesn't mean that I will never get anywhere, it just means that it takes a bit longer.
(Education)
For those who have achieved their career goals and also reared children, the existence of quality, work-based childcare has been imperative. As one Professor put it bluntly, such childcare is essential to support the progression of an academic career, without this support it can mean 'death to research'.
One woman summed up the multiplicity of factors impacting on women academics:
At times I feel absolutely torn in every direction and I feel I am not doing anything particularly well. I often experience role conflict. I don't feel I am fulfilling my role as an academic, particularly well, or as a parent particularly well ... your self-esteem takes a plunge. She went on to explain: the dilemma we experience is attempting to be all things to all people.
(Nursing)
Consultancy
Consultancy did not emerge as a big issue for women academics. Few of the women interviewed were consistently involved in consultancy work although a number had some involvement. Those who were made comments on the impact of their consultancies on the effectiveness and quality of their teaching:
... consultancy feeds quite strongly back to teaching.
(Business)
... it gives me material and up to date examples and case studies I can use in my teaching.
(Education)
A student of mine won a $10,000 grant... she got that as a direct result of work she had been doing with me.
(Education)
For others research and consultancy became entwined:
I was working on a consultancy project and he (colleague) said, you should turn this into a research paper. It made me look at the work I was doing in teaching and consulting and... turn it into some sort of research piece of work.
(Education)
... a project in a postgraduate diploma which developed into a DEET funded project... I was dragged kicking and screaming... and asked to erect this project... I eventually gave in and agreed to be director.
(Social Work)
For this particular academic this piece of work developed into her major research area:
I'd done a lot of consultancy so the idea of filling out a submission for a grant or carrying out a project is very natural for me.
(Management)
For all there was a satisfying element to the task:
Where you actually do a piece of work, where it is not just the research component of it that is deeply satisfying, it is the actually harnessing of your theoretical knowledge, to use it in ways that are of practical use to people in the conduct of their lives.
(Humanities)
... enjoy... providing a service to clients... providing useful... seeing their development.
(Education)
There are, however, negative signals, concerned with the extra load imposed by engagement in consultancy:
It is that continual burden of having to take the initiative for things and carrying them all on my own... I would like a more supportive culture.
(Media Studies)
I worked for a consultant on a part-time basis... but in the end he was asking 60hrs a week... .I just couldn't cope with it
(Engineering)
In all, for those women academics engaged in consultancy there was a positive attitude to its impact upon the quality of their academic contribution. The low levels of participation may be due to lack of opportunity or the feeling that consultancy imposed yet another burden of responsibility.
| Institution | (n=106) | (n=24) | 22.64% |
| Charles Sturt University | 22 | 4 | 18.18% |
| University of Technology, Sydney | 35 | 10 | 28.57% |
| University of Western Sydney | 49 | 10 | 20.41% |
Mentoring and Networking
Mentoring and networking emerged as issues of importance during interviews - in both a positive and a negative sense.
In a positive sense many women talked about the strong professional networks they had developed:
[a] professional network, yes. I have a strong network... I am very connected with the professional teacher's association.
(Education)
I try to keep in contact with a lot of people to develop a network... through the Women in Engineering forum particularly.
(Engineering)
I have been lucky going to these relevant conferences that I mentioned to develop an outside support network.
(Education)
... my network relates through the professional associations, the academic associations... a very collegial group.
(Education)
Within such discussions there was a strong focus on the role of external networks:
... the most productive networks go outside my place of work.
(Education)
... they tended to be people outside of here. They were not my immediate colleagues. They were sort of a larger network around the country.
(Humanities)
Several women commented on the boon Email had been to their professional external networking:
I have colleagues in the UK and Email makes it so much easier than before, it is wonderful.
(Information Studies)
An area of activity where positive mentoring was seen to be in operation was in the relationships between postgraduate students, and postgraduate supervisors:
I was very fortunate in having... a peer group... not only actively engaged with their discipline but people who were actively engaged in providing and building a network and providing support, and we were... the first generation of research students in that department
(Humanities)
I have a network going with students... the bigger it becomes, it branches out.
(Sciences)
I suppose all PhD supervisors must be mentors.
(Biology)
... my mentor is also my supervisor.
(Law)
I guess you would say that my best mentor, I have my supervisor and my co-supervisor for my PhD.
(Marketing)
In contrast, some women carried the scars of negative mentoring within memories of their postgraduate experience:
They may get a couple of top people out of it, but they stop so many people from researching because they knock the confidence out of people... scaring the hell out of them, embarrassing them or degrading them... let's do it for sport etc!
(Accounting)
... it was negative mentoring... coming back as a mature age student in my late forties, working with a man in his late twenties who didn't have his own PhD and a woman slightly younger than myself who not only did not have a PhD but didn't seem to have any prospect of getting it... Yes, I had negative mentoring.
(Education)
Within the three institutions much of the networking that occurred was informal. Several women mentioned the importance of irregular meetings and the formation of research interest and teaching development groups:
We've worked very much as a group, so there is a natural mentoring with that.
(Management)
I think informal mentoring stuff is incredibly important, and I do see myself as potentially able to play that role as far as women are concerned.
(Humanities)
When mentoring was successfully undertaken it could be of profound importance:
... she has been an immense mentor for me... she has given me a sense of confidence that I would not have had otherwise.
(Humanities)
But for those senior women undertaking a mentoring role, it required both:
... imagination and also time and energy, which increasingly, women in more senior positions don't have.
(Humanities)
One professor believed that formal mentoring sometimes meant 'just more work on senior women and everyone is stressed as it is' (Humanities). Though in certain faculties
even people below that level [i.e. lecturers/associate lecturers] are very willing to mentor others, and very willing to work along with people at various stages and help them.
(Information Studies)
Much of this informal support was not research specific:
So there is a sort of general informal network of support, rather than any particular person who shares my research interests.
(History)
It is just a person support network... I find that women are much more capable of helping you out in a difficult spot.
(Biology)
Gender in this and other instances would seem to play an important role. This same biologist felt that her women's network was necessary because:
I think basically men try to push you around to start with and when you fight back things change. But often women don't fight back.
For another senior academic, who had seen 'what happens in this university', it was very important to have 'a strong women's network fight back'. She argued that the roughness and 'corruptness' of the academy had toughened her and taught her much:
It's more that you learn specific things from watching other women and how they cope or don't cope with what's going on... there's some stuff about being an academic that I find personally distasteful.
(Management)
For others, success did not breed collegiality:
... the ones at the top of the greasy pole are probably the ones that are less likely to want to form an old girls network.
(Education)
... lack of mentorship is a big problem for women... I think men don't realise it because they have had it for years.
(Education)
Across the three institutions, nursing academics commented that networking was formally encouraged within their university:
... there is quite a network here, it is really quite strongly advocated by the university.
(Nursing)
... the university has also been helpful in that regard and we have just established a Women in Research Network and I am hoping that will be helpful too.
(Nursing)
... there are three schools in this Faculty and we've tried to set up in the Faculty, a scheme where experienced people can work with less experience, so set in a research mentoring.
(Nursing)
For one engineering academic the involvement of women staff at all levels and classifications was empowering:
We have got a network which is a very nice thing, the female administrative staff are also part of the group. I think it is really nice to say that in this school we are beyond needing special attention because there is enough of us and we can say the same of our students, because we have a very large intake of female students.
(Engineering)
Such formal support existed in other disciplines, sometimes with a specific research focus:
We have a strong mentoring system with this particular department and there we were able to take the proposal at various stages to people and say, you know, is this making sense, should we add anything more or what should we do here.
(Information Studies)
I availed myself of a course that UTS was running, The Development of Research Potential', for academic staff and this was a DEET funded project and that really helped me. Probably not so much the content of it, but that fact that I had committed myself to doing it and that there were certain outcomes expected of the course participants.
(Engineering)
But on the whole, across all three institutions, the lack of mentoring was the dominant theme - isolation within the academy was a chilling reality:
... music education lecturers tend to be fairly isolated in each university.
(Education)
... the women academics, we don't work in each other's fields.
(Accounting)
Certainly no mentoring of any kind.
(Education)
We are in a small field so that we [mainly] have colleagues overseas.
(Information Studies)
Certainly there's no sort of fostering and mentoring and the care of the young, of less qualified people by qualified people. I need leadership and guidance and I need the inspiration of a mentor.
(Information Studies)
There were senior research teams working around here but they didn't see it as part of their responsibility to get younger or less experienced people [involved].
(Engineering)
Many senior women highlighted that fact that they had received no mentoring in their academic career, particularly in the early years, and that they viewed that as a 'huge lack':
I can't think of anyone sort of older and more experienced than me, that I could have asked for advice... I never had a women more senior than me... I only had one female lecturer during my undergraduate degree.
(Humanities)
One of the roles I took on as Department Head was to act as a mentor for young staff because I felt that was what I had most missed out on, in my working career... everyone who has been helpful to me has been outside my workplace... .at times I feel like I am a lost generation. [Mentoring] didn't happen to me but I know what should have happened so I am trying to do it to other people.
(Education)
There are no senior female members of my school in involved in research at all. None whatsoever!
(Engineering)
... my experience with research over the last few years, I don't want to see other younger female members of staff in the same position.
Nobody has mentored me in research. I have mentored a couple but it is done as a leadership role as opposed to mentoring.
(Nursing)
Those academics who had spent many years in employment outside the academy criticised the lack of orientation skills and programs:
When I came over here I purposely made appointments to be known to the department heads and to the Dean herself... I was surprised that there was not automatically, 'you must go and meet the Dean'.
(Nursing)
... you are sort of thrown in the deep end and it takes you quite a while to realise that way that the whole academic areas works... No one really tells you how or what is important or not... you really are basically on your own... there is not a lot of interaction with management, there is not a lot of mentoring... this is what is so bizarre, that there is really no career advice.
(Media Studies)
It is quite a struggle being an academic... certainly for someone coming in from industry. There is just so little orientation, training... A mentor system, a career path workshop... you end up spending an enormous amount of time fighting battles that get fought again six months later... an enormous amount of energy goes into this stuff and it is very frustrating... time consuming, very different to working in private enterprise. It is a totally different sort of ethos, there is not a lot of mentoring, there is not a lot of support.
(Media Studies)
I've worked in political areas all my life, bureaucracies and public departments and when I came here I could not understand the politics here at all, it was the weirdest place I have ever been in.
(Management)
Many women commented on the lack of female role models for women within the academy:
I have had to model myself on men, which is always a pretty dangerous thing to do! So the sort of networks that women have, which can be very helpful and very cooperative don't exist here for me.
(Engineering)
For some, however:
I don't think having somebody as a role model is necessary or helpful.
(Education)
For others:
I don't believe women need female role models. I think men can play that role as well as women.
(Humanities)
... the university has a mentoring system. The formal procedures for mentor assistance, kind of, they don't kind of work! In a relationship you just can't make it happen... My supervisor tries... but his fundamental research views are quite different from mine and as a result there is tension there.
(Marketing)
On a positive note for the universities in this study, several women commented that the post-1987 universities offered them more freedom and the chance to experience of variety of academic duties:
You don't seem to be fighting the old boys network as much. [There is not] a hierarchy of established male academics who have been there since the year dot.
(Science)
For many women in this study promotion was 'like being a tortoise within the system'. This perception was attributed to a variety of factors such as:
Many felt that the broad range of contributions made by women academics to the university and their profession/discipline was simply not recognised.
When asked what would facilitate her development, one lecturer commented:
Something has to be done within the university structure to make it easier for people to advance from lecturer level A positions up further. At the moment you have to wait until people retire and the way things are at the moment, people often keep working until they are just about to drop dead... it is not so bad in this university, or in this department, but you hear about other departments where they have Professors... who will turn up to teach their one subject a week... [or] just some research work, and [the institution] will have several people in those positions and because they have those people right at the top, they don't appoint anybody to the lower positions, apart from level A positions, because they need someone to do the teaching.
(Physics)
In spite of this, many women commented on the opportunities available to them in the newer universities.
Table 43: Level of Appointment - Women in the UNS Versus QRs (1994)
| Level | Respondents | |||
| Above Senior Lecturer | 682 | 6.44 | 13 | 12.26 |
| Senior Lecturer | 1749 | 16.51 | 21 | 19.81 |
| Lecturer | 4886 | 46.12 | 54 | 50.94 |
| A/Lecturer | 3277 | 30.93 | 18 | 16.98 |
Nevertheless, the perception exists that it is becoming harder for younger academics to progress as opportunities become limited (i.e. there is pressure simply to renegotiate contracts):
... ideally I would like to see myself in five years time with a tenured position with more manageable teaching commitments, pursuing the research but in a more coherent way, in the CV way, rather than I suppose, taking the opportunities as they arise and being more considered about it.
(Education)
For another woman promotion was not on her mind because:
... the level of heavy teaching load I was taking plus completing a Masters Research had left me fairly exhausted... and I was thinking I was a good administrator... so the head of department used to throw a lot of stuff my way because it got done... I didn't mind doing it. There was no research culture in the place.
(Education)
On a different level some women said that they had turned down promotion opportunities where they felt they would have to operate in a more masculine way. This expressed itself as a desire to be fully themselves [as women] (i.e. enabling and empowering, rather than operating in a competitive work style).
Nevertheless, there was recognition of the need for more focus and strategic planning particularly regarding research grant applications and publications. This recognition was, however, accompanied by an air of cynicism. It was perceived that men still managed to get promoted ahead of women. Other women felt they should not have to be forced into what they see as a competitive male culture.
Interestingly, the place of women in the senior echelons was perceived as making the most difference to women in the academy:
It was the first time we had a woman to shout at or to complain to... so my presence there [as Dean] was important... not necessarily positive but it was a big thing in [women's] perception of their job and so it made me realise how unnatural it was that I had only had male bosses... but it didn't seem to make a huge difference to the men that I was male or female.
Other women also commented that the more senior they became, the more they were expected to sit on committees and other administrative structures, due to a shortage of females at those levels. In some cases this meant that some women did not want to proceed further up the hierarchy 'because the price is too great' whereas it was perceived that for men, the more senior they became, the more research they were able to do, because they were not put in the same position.
This appeared to be confirmed by those women in more senior positions who felt that their limited numbers meant a more prominent role had to be played in management spheres:
I am largely in a management position at the moment and I think that limits your career quite phenomenally in research, and I think you have got to acknowledge that if you are in that position, research really has got to take second place.
(Nursing)
On the other hand, some junior women felt that being a woman had helped their career, despite being a 'token woman' on a lot of committees. Rather it was seen as an opportunity to gain experience that would have only been available to more senior men.
For others, the climb up the ladder was marred by such factors as the perception of roles and role models (i.e. women were simply not seen as potential negotiators, representatives or leaders). For many women, the academy is still a male culture. Aggression and confrontation is still regarded as the way to get things done. In other words, 'men like to battle it out' and whether people realise it or not, women are not usually seen as strong leaders.
The changing nature of academic work and research funding was viewed by some women as detrimental to their promotion prospects because it meant that recognition of work/contributions to academia had been formalised in such a way as to exclude the variety of contributions that women make to the institution. For instance, while there were those women who were successful with research grants and publications, there were others who perceived this emphasis on traditional markers, such as external research grants and referreed publications, as very competitive and working against the desire to balance work commitments, particularly in relation to teaching responsibilities. In other words, there is a perception that these newer institutions still privileged research (the economic imperative set by the government) despite commitments to building up new and innovative teaching courses.
This tension between teaching and research commitments was perceived as particularly crucial in the post-1987 universities where the student population is extremely diverse with very different levels of background preparation. The positive side to this was that 'teaching as a research science' was being taken more seriously (Humanities).
However for others, it was the broader issue of the 'unstructured nature' of academic work which was:
... a real danger... women are going to have to run, as usual, twice as fast to make it shine... you'd have to be prepared to put in the longest hours if you really want to survive... you're just expected to jump and meet every hurdle and there is no sense of anybody acknowledging that there's a limit to how much one person can do... there is no such thing as a time sheet for an academic.
(Management)
In contrast:
I tend to think about promotion retrospectively. I know the wise way to do it is to kind of put out a path in front of you with all the requirements that the university has about teaching, community service and research. And make sure you manage your time so that you have enough things up your sleeve in each of these areas to put on an application for promotion but I don't tend to think that way because it removes the passion for me of what I am doing and my interests, so I tend to just do the things and then if I can carve the things I have done into some kind of shape when I feel it is the right time for promotion, and that makes sense, then I will do it.
(Media)
For newer academics, there was also some comment on the lack of training and or career advice/counselling, making it difficult to assess promotion prospects:
If you have an academic background then you are within the culture and you, I guess, perhaps by osmosis, perhaps by just being exposed to the culture, you sort of pick up how one is meant to progress, but coming from the outside from industry, into this area, you really have to find out for yourself, and I guess in my case, I have really been concentrating on getting on top of the teaching because I see that as being my major commitment in this role. But of course it has taken me quite a while to realise that research is a very major area, but really not made exclusive to you. You just sort of have to scrabble around and find out yourself.
(Media)
Family
Many women viewed their limited promotion opportunities as not specific to their post-1987 status, but as fundamentally linked to their family responsibilities. Overwhelmingly, the interviews suggested that it was women who took the time out to have children and raise families, no matter where they worked. Thus, for some women, it is not because men were male that they were promoted more swiftly but that women 'tend to diversify into many areas' rather than focusing on the steps needed for promotion.
This apparent 'role diversification' or role juggling was a major source of frustration for many women. They just did not have the time to do all the things that were expected of them. This was not only the work roles of teaching, research and administration but also the family responsibilities, or even outside friendships and contacts.
To a certain extent this view, that women need to be more career-focused, was echoed by some younger women who felt they should delay having a family otherwise they would not be regarded as taking their 'career and research seriously'.
For those women with families, the level of support received invited a range of comments:
I think for women it would be very hard to be a female academic whose husband didn't understand academic work and academic values... I think it would be easier for a male academic to have a non-academic wife.
(Humanities)